新東方2010考研英語(yǔ)閱讀精讀100篇(高分版)TEXT TWENTY
China makes computers, but imports most of its chips. India makes drugs, but copies almost all of the compounds; it writes software, but rarely owns the result. The bolder claims made for all three industries thus have a similar, hollow ring. They have flourished, but mostly on the back of other countries' technology. “We are not at the stage of Intel Inside,” admits Arvind Atignal of Clinigene, a clinical-research firm, drawing his own analogy between desktops and drugs. “We are the keyboard, screens and peripherals.”
How much does this matter? Joseph Xie of SMIC, the Chinese chipmaker, spent seven years working inside Intel. Its strategy, he says, was simple: “get there first; make most of the money; let the second guy get the change.” That is certainly one way to run a technology firm. But competing in that race is expensive and exhausting. Few of Intel's rivals still try to keep up with it, nanometre by nanometre.
Countries of China's and India's heft and ambition cherish the idea of pushing back the limits of technology. But that push is risky, costly, frustrating work. A country shouldn't do it unless it has to. Although China and India could devote their considerable intellectual resources to solving the problems faced by economies on the technological frontier, why cross that bridge until you reach it? Seen in this light, India's generic drugmakers are models not laggards. They invest in just enough know-how to exploit the rest of the world's discoveries. Thanks to them, Indians enjoy some of the world's cheapest medicines.
Under the WTO's Trade-Related Intellectual Property Rights agreement (TRIPS), India has ceded the right to free-ride foreign advances. It now grants 20 years of patent protection to inventions hatched after 1995. In return, it hopes tighter laws will inspire Indians to new exploits in innovation, and reassure foreigners wary of inventing or making original products in the country.
The tougher laws may yet succeed. A recent study by Bruce Abramson of the World Bank expresses high hopes. A “patent chic” is already detectable in the country, he reports. He has even heard of Indian farmers calling lawyers in the hope of patenting their prize vegetables.
But, as yet, the new regime has not proved its worth. Over 17,000 patent applications were filed in India in 2004-05, almost 40% more than the year before. But only 3,500 were by Indians. Of the 49 most prolific filers in the past decade, 44 are either foreign companies or subsidiaries. Of the five Indian firms, all are either government-sponsored institutes or generic-drug companies, which did fine before TRIPS.
The new regime will be costly to run, if India takes it seriously. But the larger cost lies in the opportunities for unabashed imitation that India has now forgone. These lost opportunities might be quite big. Had Indian firms been prevented from copying fluoroquinolones, for example, the Indian public would have been worse off by the equivalent of $255m a year, reckons a study of the antibiotics market by Shubham Chaudhuri of the World Bank, Pinelopi Goldberg of Yale and Panle Jia of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
1. Arvind Atignal draws an analogy between desktops and drugs because_____
[A] both of them have a similar prospect in China and India.
[B] both industries in India are still lacking core technology.
[C] drug-making in India is like making peripherals for desktops.
[D] the two industries have a similar operation in India.
2. The idea maintained by countries like China and India is _____
[A] to do the best they could.
[B] to solve the technological problems to the best of their ability.
[C] to go beyond the limits of technology.
[D] to do what they have to.
3. India has ceded the right to free-ride foreign advances because_____
[A] it wants to push back the limits of technology.
[B] it is in accordance with TRIPS.
[C] it wants to inspire Indians to making innovation.
[D] it wants to protect the inventions by the foreigners.
4. From the data of the sixth paragraph, it can be inferred that_____
[A] the tougher laws are not successful since it failed to raise Indians’ enthusiasm for patents.
[B] Indians are not so inventive as the foreign counterparts measured by patent application.
[C] Indians’ inventions are negligible because most firms are funded by the government and thus lack incentive.
[D] Indians are still left behind in inventions even under the system that encourage patenting.
5. Towards the future of the new regime, the author’s attitude can be said to be_____
[A] pessimistic.
[B] optimistic.
[C] dubious.
[D] objective.
文章剖析:
這篇文章介紹印度在技術(shù)發(fā)明創(chuàng)造方面的情況。第一、二段講述印度在科技核心發(fā)明方面的特點(diǎn);第三段講述印度在該方面實(shí)施策略的邏輯;第四段講述印度為改變發(fā)明專(zhuān)利方面現(xiàn)狀采取的一些措施;第五段講述嚴(yán)格的法律并沒(méi)有明顯效果;第六段講述印度在發(fā)明專(zhuān)利方面還很落后;第七段講述采取這樣措施的弊端。
詞匯注釋?zhuān)?/STRONG>
nanometre n. 毫微米
heft n. 影響
laggard n. 落后者
cede v. 放棄
free-ride n. 不付出正常努力就能得到的東西
難句突破:
(1) Although China and India could devote their considerable intellectual resources to solving the problems faced by economies on the technological frontier, why cross that bridge until you reach it?
[主體句式] Although China and India could…why cross …
[結(jié)構(gòu)分析]這是一個(gè)帶有條件狀語(yǔ)從句的復(fù)合句,條件狀語(yǔ)從句中,devote…to…是一個(gè)固定結(jié)構(gòu),to后跟的是動(dòng)名詞;主句是一個(gè)反疑疑問(wèn)句。
[句子譯文] 盡管中國(guó)和印度能夠投入他們可觀的智力資源來(lái)解決經(jīng)濟(jì)在技術(shù)前沿遇到的經(jīng)濟(jì)問(wèn)題,那為什么不在碰到問(wèn)題時(shí)再跨越這座橋呢?
(2) Had Indian firms been prevented from copying fluoroquinolones, for example, the Indian public would have been worse off by the equivalent of $255m a year, reckons a study of the antibiotics market by Shubham Chaudhuri of the World Bank, Pinelopi Goldberg of Yale and Panle Jia of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
[主體句式] …, reckons a study
[結(jié)構(gòu)分析] 這是一個(gè)復(fù)合句,Had…$255m a year 這是reckons的賓語(yǔ)從句,該賓語(yǔ)從句是虛擬語(yǔ)氣;a study 是句子的主語(yǔ)。
[句子譯文] 比如根據(jù)世界銀行的Shubham Chaudhuri、耶魯大學(xué)的Pinelopi Goldberg以及麻省理工大學(xué)的Panle Jia做的一項(xiàng)關(guān)于抗生素市場(chǎng)的研究,如果禁止印度公司效仿氟硅酮,那么印度公眾可能一年就要損失掉2億550萬(wàn)美元。
題目分析:
[答案] C
[難度分析] ☆☆☆
[分析] 這是一個(gè)推理題。Arvind Atignal供職于臨床研究公司,他做這樣的類(lèi)比應(yīng)該是說(shuō)明醫(yī)藥方面的情況,鍵盤(pán)、顯示器只是外圍的設(shè)備,核心是因特爾芯片。結(jié)合上文所說(shuō)的印度制藥業(yè)的情況,可以看出他做這樣的類(lèi)比是為了說(shuō)明印度的制藥業(yè)核心還不在自己手上,做的一些東西都是邊緣化的。因此,選項(xiàng)C最為符合題意。至于B選項(xiàng)提到的核心技術(shù),相應(yīng)的段落沒(méi)有具體集體,因此B是干擾選項(xiàng)。
[答案]D
[難度分析] ☆☆☆
[分析]推理題。文章第三段主要就是描述此類(lèi)國(guó)家在技術(shù)創(chuàng)新方面的觀點(diǎn)。他們認(rèn)為,等到了確實(shí)需要的時(shí)候再進(jìn)行研究,目前需要什么就研究什么,不要過(guò)于超前追求技術(shù)的創(chuàng)新。選項(xiàng)中,A、B選項(xiàng)正好和這個(gè)觀點(diǎn)相反,C選項(xiàng)也和限制技術(shù)極限的觀點(diǎn)相反,D選項(xiàng)符合這個(gè)觀點(diǎn),是正確答案。
[答案]B
[難度分析] ☆☆☆
[分析] 推理題。文章第四段講述印度目前采取了一些措施想要改變技術(shù)創(chuàng)造的現(xiàn)狀。首先提到,依據(jù)世貿(mào)組織相關(guān)知識(shí)產(chǎn)權(quán)協(xié)議,放棄了借鑒外國(guó)先進(jìn)技術(shù)的權(quán)利?梢钥闯觯沁@項(xiàng)協(xié)定作用的結(jié)果,因此,答案為B選項(xiàng),而其他三個(gè)選項(xiàng)的內(nèi)容在第四段中都沒(méi)有提到。
[答案] D
[難度分析] ☆☆☆☆
[分析]推理題。文章第六段中給出的數(shù)據(jù)可以明顯看出,印度人在發(fā)明創(chuàng)造專(zhuān)利申請(qǐng)方面比起外國(guó)人來(lái)少之又少,而結(jié)合前面談到的情況,可以得出印度在發(fā)明創(chuàng)造方面還遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)不如外國(guó)人。因此,答案中D最為符合。A選項(xiàng)不正確是因?yàn)檫@些數(shù)據(jù)可能是在該法律實(shí)施前的數(shù)據(jù);C只是表面的現(xiàn)象,深層次來(lái)講還是印度發(fā)明創(chuàng)造落后這一原因。
[答案]A
[難度分析] ☆
[分析]態(tài)度題。這篇文章介紹了目前印度為改變技術(shù)創(chuàng)新方面的現(xiàn)狀作了一些努力,但從后面的描述中可以看出這些舉措還未成功,而且最后談到這樣的話印度損失很大。由此可以看出,作者對(duì)此的態(tài)度并不樂(lè)觀,選項(xiàng)A最為符合。
參考譯文:
中國(guó)制造電腦,但大部分芯片都是進(jìn)口的。印度制藥,但所有的配方都是抄來(lái)的;印度還編軟件,但最后的成果卻很少歸他們所有。關(guān)于這三個(gè)行業(yè)的大膽設(shè)想都有相似的、空洞的性質(zhì)。這些行業(yè)都很興盛,但是卻要依仗其他國(guó)家的技術(shù)!拔覀冞沒(méi)到因特爾內(nèi)核那個(gè)層面,”臨床研究公司Clinigene的Arvind Atignal說(shuō)道,他將電腦和醫(yī)藥進(jìn)行了類(lèi)比!拔覀冎徊贿^(guò)是鍵盤(pán)、顯示器和一些外圍設(shè)備罷了!
那么這有什么關(guān)系呢?中國(guó)芯片制造商SMIC的Joseph Xie 在因特爾公司工作了七年。他說(shuō),因特爾的策略很簡(jiǎn)單:“先到一個(gè)地方;賺一大部分錢(qián);讓第二個(gè)人得點(diǎn)零頭!边@當(dāng)然是運(yùn)營(yíng)科技公司的一種方法,但是這種競(jìng)爭(zhēng)是昂貴的,也是耗人體力的。因特爾僅有的幾個(gè)對(duì)手仍在追趕它,盡管是以毫微米的速度。
在影響、抱負(fù)方面與中國(guó)、印度不相上下的國(guó)家都希望能把科技的極限推回去,但是這種作法有一定風(fēng)險(xiǎn)、耗費(fèi)財(cái)力且容易落空。一個(gè)國(guó)家如果不是迫不得已就不應(yīng)該這樣做。盡管中國(guó)和印度能夠投入他們可觀的智力資源來(lái)解決經(jīng)濟(jì)在技術(shù)前沿遇到的經(jīng)濟(jì)問(wèn)題,那為什么不在碰到問(wèn)題時(shí)再跨越這座橋呢?要這樣看的話,印度生物制藥商就是典范而不是落后者了。他們只用足夠的專(zhuān)門(mén)技術(shù)去開(kāi)發(fā)世界各地的發(fā)現(xiàn)。正是因?yàn)樗麄,印度人才能夠享受世界上最便宜的藥物?/P>
根據(jù)世界貿(mào)易組織的相關(guān)知識(shí)產(chǎn)權(quán)協(xié)議,印度已經(jīng)放棄了借鑒國(guó)外先進(jìn)的權(quán)利,F(xiàn)在印度賦予1995年后孵化的發(fā)明20年的專(zhuān)利保護(hù)。希望從緊的法律可以激勵(lì)印度人探索新發(fā)明,也讓那些一直對(duì)在這個(gè)國(guó)家的發(fā)明創(chuàng)造充滿(mǎn)戒心的外國(guó)人安心。
更為從緊的法律還未成功。不過(guò)世界銀行的Bruce Abramson最近的一項(xiàng)研究表達(dá)了較高的期望。他報(bào)道說(shuō),在這個(gè)國(guó)家已經(jīng)發(fā)現(xiàn)了“專(zhuān)利chic”。他曾聽(tīng)說(shuō)印度農(nóng)民打電話給律師,希望可以為他們得獎(jiǎng)的蔬菜申請(qǐng)專(zhuān)利。
但是,這個(gè)新興的國(guó)家還沒(méi)有證實(shí)自己的價(jià)值。2004年至2005年,印度的專(zhuān)利使用權(quán)申請(qǐng)有17000多宗,比前一年多了幾乎40%。但是其中只有3500宗是印度人申請(qǐng)的。在過(guò)去的十年里,49個(gè)最多產(chǎn)的專(zhuān)利申請(qǐng)機(jī)構(gòu)中有44個(gè)或是外國(guó)公司、或是外國(guó)公司子公司。而這五家印度公司要不是政府資助的研究所,要不是生物制藥公司,它們?cè)赥RIPS前做得很出色。
如果印度真的要這樣做的話,這個(gè)國(guó)度運(yùn)作起來(lái)就太耗費(fèi)錢(qián)財(cái)了。但是更大的消耗在于印度目前放棄的模仿機(jī)會(huì)。這樣丟失掉的機(jī)會(huì)可能很多。比如根據(jù)世界銀行的Shubham Chaudhuri、耶魯大學(xué)的Pinelopi Goldberg以及麻省理工大學(xué)的Panle Jia做的一項(xiàng)關(guān)于抗生素市場(chǎng)的研究,如果禁止印度公司效仿氟硅酮,那么印度公眾可能一年就要損失掉2億550萬(wàn)美元。